Croatia has become the 28th member of the European Union. The democratic dream of an optimistic people in the late 1980s and early 1990s has been transformed into doubt over the last two decades, confronted by a reality that’s anything but idyllic because of the problems faced by both Croatia and by the EU, whose workings are far from ideal. But as of yesterday that dream has become the reality we will have to live with. Of course, we must be realistic. Following the referendum, and especially after July 1, 2013 [when membership comes into force], Croatia will not become a land of plenty. The EU is not a remedy against everything that troubles us. It is far from being a personification of Good, an idyllic community of states and nations. It has its problems and its often painful methods for solving them. In such a “community of interests”, Croatia must find its proper place. There are many conflicts, and the Union provides fertile soil for eurosceptics. But for now, there is no doubt that the accession to the EU is a big step for Croatia. The country has lost nothing, and especially not her sovereignty. It can only benefit.

Senol Selimovic, a columnist for Sloboda Dalmacija, a daily from Split, reflects on the “historical record for low voter turnout in an EU membership referendum” that Croats set on January 22:

At 43.6 percent, turnout is the lowest ever recorded for this kind of consultation at a European level. It is even lower than the percentage of Hungarians (45.62 percent) who voted in the 2003 referendum on the future of their country inside Europe. “If the Croatian government had not in the meantime changed the constitutional law on the referendum, the referendum would have failed for lack of voter turnout. But the Croatian political elite avoided this “trap” in time, and they can now clink glasses over the fruits of their long effort to persuade the people on the future of the country… The low turnout, however, does leave a bitter taste, indicating as it does that the arguments put forward by the political leaders in favour of the EU have been unconvincing and that they have failed to inspire citizens to take part in a vote of such historical importance… The Croatian government even betrayed that part of the pro-European but democratically-minded public that denounced the lack of equal treatment for organisations and groups that opposed joining the EU, in terms of financing and media slots to present their arguments. Instead of an information campaign, it has been a propaganda campaign. In place of a historic referendum like that of 1991 (on Croatian independence), in which 83.5 percent of the population took part, the January 22 referendum will go down in European history for its abstention rate.

Augustin Palokaj of Jutarnji List focuses on the sigh of relief that Brussels must have uttered after Croatia’s “yes” vote:

By voting yes, Croatian citizens have shown that joining was not just the project of the political elites, but a project that had their backing too. Nevertheless, the low voter turnout in such a significant popular vote has not gone unnoticed. Indeed, the number of participants, as well as the number of “yes” voters, sends a clear message: Croatians want to be in the EU, but they do not expect great things from it. The EU is not a perfect institution. We can blame a lot of things on the way it operates, but like it or not, it is better to be a member of this Union and fight for our interests inside it. In short, the Croats have no illusions about the EU. There is no room for euphoria, and that’s a good thing. [...] Considering the difficult situation the EU is in now, the Croatian “yes” is also a great comfort to the EU, as a “no” would have meant a glaring failure for the Union.

With less than two months to go before elections, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) of Ms. Kosor, lagging in the polls, is banking on recovering momentum through the prospect of EU membership. That agreement must be ratified by the European Parliament in early December, when the elections in Croatia are held. The party is seeking to allay concerns over the loss of identity and control over Croatia's sovereignty that emerge from a reading of the draft agreement. "The price of bread, milk, medicine and books will certainly go up, but this should not distract us from the EU, because VAT will change whether we are a member of the EU or not.” Furthermore, the paper affirms, “if the EU demands the same rights for foreigners seeking work in Croatia (i.e., waiving of the requirement that they -- executives, for example -- speak Croatian), this may contribute to the improved competitiveness of Croatian firms".

Though it may well be a coincidence, it is nonetheless interesting to note that the arrest took place in the same week when Croatia was informed that negotiations on its accession will not be concluded as previously scheduled before the end of June. As Novi List noted early this week: "The EU’s new enlargement is a strategic decision that has prompted another geopolitical tug-of-war between Western countries." The Croat daily goes on to point out: "Just as it was at the beginning of the 1990s, on one side we have a group of nations led by Germany and Austria along with the countries of the Visegrád group (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) that are staunch supporters of the rapid accession of Croatia, which they believe has been the victim of prejudice for too long. On the other, we have Great Britain and its main continental allies – the Netherlands, Denmark, and the Scandinavian countries – who want negotiations to be concluded at the end of the year, at a time when Serbia can fulfill the conditions to apply for EU membership." And this scenario has now been made possible by the Mladić’s arrest. But Europe’s 27 member states will have to exercise careful judgment because the Balkan region remains a hotbed of potential crises.

In Belgrade, it is still too early to evaluate the political consequences of Mladić’s arrest, while in Zagreb, The Hague’s recent sentencing of General Gotovina has reinforced hostility to the EU. And in both countries, corruption and excessive nationalism still present a threat to a trouble free accession. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the same Serbs who were led by Mladić are threatening to organise a referendum on their independence – a development that would put an end to the precarious peace that has reigned there since 1995. And in Kosovo, a state that is still not recognized by five members of the EU, where crime and corruption continue to thrive, the possibility of a separation between Serbian and Albanian territories remains a threat to regional equilibrium.

On the eve of Mladić’s arrest, the Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, Stefan Fülle, presented the EU’s new strategy for the countries on its borders, which is mainly focused on Arab states, and to the detriment of countries like Belarus, Ukraine and Georgia, which until now  had been given priority treatment – highlighting what appears to be an inability on the part of the EU to apply a consistent policy for all of its neighbours. The Balkans are situated at a meeting point of the perspectives of enlargement and neighbourhood policy, with Croatia and now Serbia leading the way. But the effort that will be required to integrate both of these countries should not pave the way for a neglect of the rest of the region. Mladić’s arrest is just one chapter in a story that could have many different outcomes.

As Vanity Fair explains, delocalization has enabled drug companies to take advantage of conditions that are less strict and less expensive when conducting clinical trials which will “help persuade the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to declare the drugs safe and effective for Americans.” In 2008, 80 percent of products submitted for approval to the FDA were tested outside the United States: in all 58,788 trials, of which 876 were conducted in Romania, 589 in Ukraine and 716 in Turkey. Estonia, Poland, Russia, Lithuania, Slovakia and Croatia are also considered to be good locations for off-shore trials.

The lack of proper regulatory framework has meant that many of these trials have proved to be deadly. The magazine sites the example of a flu-vaccine trial  conducted in a hostel for the homeless in Grudziadz, Poland. The subjects, who were paid two dollars for participating in the programme, “thought they were getting a regular flu shot. They were not. At least 20 of them died.”

“If the agreement is not ratified, that would mean Slovenia is slamming shut the door to the EU in Croatia’s face at the very moment that Croatia is wrapping up the negotiations,” observes Vecernji list. Such a rebuff, remarks another Croatian daily, Novi list, would isolate Slovenian PM Janez Jansa in Europe, unless it coincides with the interests of big countries like Germany, France and Great Britain, which are increasingly wary of further EU enlargement.

The ODS has put the posters up along the roads used by vacationing nationals, and “politicians in swimsuits will be pursuing holidaymaking Czechs all the way to the sea in Croatia,” writes Idnes.cz. The Mladá Fronta DNES Czech daily explains on its website that five successive takes line the Croatian motorways, on which the politicos progressively disrobe. On the last one they are wearing diving masks and telling prospective voters, “Welcome to Croatia. Now you can leave us behind.”

“I hope there won’t be any traffic jams on the motorway so people won’t have time to get a closer look at us,” was all party VP Petr Gandalovič deigned to say on this score.