The beginning of the siege of the Bosnian capital was the “day when Europe died in Sarajevo”, affirms Delo, which marks the occasion with a piece by Bosnian author Dzevad Karahasan –

Bosnia-Herzegovina is still in the throes of serious crisis, because the Dayton Agreement [which put an end to the conflict in 1995] imposed state structure that was unviable, from both a legal and a logical point of view. And when the international and local bureaucrats suggest altering it in any way, they are immediately told that they cannot touch it, because any change would upset the delicate balance of peace. The only peace in Bosnia is the peace of graveyards. And even then, that is not always the case.

For its part, the Sarajevo daily Dnevni Avaz devotes several pages to commemoration ceremonies that “Two decades since the attack on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, and notably the “red line” formed on 6 April by 11,541 red chairs set in a row on the Avenue Tito in memory of the residents of the town who died in the war. The newspaper also points out that the day will also serve to celebrate “the 550th anniversary of the founding of Sarajevo and 67th anniversary of the city’s liberation from fascist forces”.

The perspective of inclusion in the European Union could herald a new departure for Bosnia, but, as Die Presse points out, the way forward is far from easy. In an editorial entitled “The European union and Bosnian schizophrenia”, the Viennese daily argues that the EU should go back to its roots and position itself as a project for peace. But for the moment, the EU is markedly indifferent to what is happening in Bosnia –

The EU has made it clear to Bosnian politicians that their country cannot adhere to the EU because of its complicated structures established by the international community in Dayton. However, there is no intra-Bosnian agreement on new structures.

In Madrid, El País insists that the post-war period will only come to an end on the day when Bosnia-Herzegovina enter the EU –

Bosnia-Herzegovina has no national day, because the politicians cannot agree on a date. [...] The country is still divided into two entities [...] Today its duplicate administrations and complete absence of shared national feeling define it as a country that may have healed its physical wounds, but not one that has achieved reconciliation.

Though it may well be a coincidence, it is nonetheless interesting to note that the arrest took place in the same week when Croatia was informed that negotiations on its accession will not be concluded as previously scheduled before the end of June. As Novi List noted early this week: "The EU’s new enlargement is a strategic decision that has prompted another geopolitical tug-of-war between Western countries." The Croat daily goes on to point out: "Just as it was at the beginning of the 1990s, on one side we have a group of nations led by Germany and Austria along with the countries of the Visegrád group (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) that are staunch supporters of the rapid accession of Croatia, which they believe has been the victim of prejudice for too long. On the other, we have Great Britain and its main continental allies – the Netherlands, Denmark, and the Scandinavian countries – who want negotiations to be concluded at the end of the year, at a time when Serbia can fulfill the conditions to apply for EU membership." And this scenario has now been made possible by the Mladić’s arrest. But Europe’s 27 member states will have to exercise careful judgment because the Balkan region remains a hotbed of potential crises.

In Belgrade, it is still too early to evaluate the political consequences of Mladić’s arrest, while in Zagreb, The Hague’s recent sentencing of General Gotovina has reinforced hostility to the EU. And in both countries, corruption and excessive nationalism still present a threat to a trouble free accession. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the same Serbs who were led by Mladić are threatening to organise a referendum on their independence – a development that would put an end to the precarious peace that has reigned there since 1995. And in Kosovo, a state that is still not recognized by five members of the EU, where crime and corruption continue to thrive, the possibility of a separation between Serbian and Albanian territories remains a threat to regional equilibrium.

On the eve of Mladić’s arrest, the Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, Stefan Fülle, presented the EU’s new strategy for the countries on its borders, which is mainly focused on Arab states, and to the detriment of countries like Belarus, Ukraine and Georgia, which until now  had been given priority treatment – highlighting what appears to be an inability on the part of the EU to apply a consistent policy for all of its neighbours. The Balkans are situated at a meeting point of the perspectives of enlargement and neighbourhood policy, with Croatia and now Serbia leading the way. But the effort that will be required to integrate both of these countries should not pave the way for a neglect of the rest of the region. Mladić’s arrest is just one chapter in a story that could have many different outcomes.

In heavy disguise – looking, according to one witness, “like a monk who had done something wrong with a nun” – Karadzic rapidly made a name for himself in the bizarre world of alternative medicine, working with a sex therapist interested in sperm rejuventation, and fronting a vitamin pills business based in Connecticut, USA. According to Hitt, his legacy is an ambiguous one for Serbs. Considered “the bold defender of Serbian purity”, many miss the “meek spiritualist” who loved life to such an extent that “he would defend the bees.”