In an interview with the London daily, Sannikov has described conditions endured during his 18 month incarceration. Having already accused the Belarusian secret service, the KGB, of torture, he said –

For much of my time I was kept in solitary confinement but when they moved me to my last prison it was forbidden to talk to me. If someone started to speak to me, and I don't mean showing support for me or expressing some kind of solidarity, they would be immediately moved into worse conditions or sent to another colony.

Sannikov’s release, along with that of his political aide, Zmitser Bandarenka, is partly due to their decision to seek a presidential pardon, The Independent notes –

This allows the Minsk regime to emphasise that they have admitted their guilt and to stress that the authorities have been magnanimous in releasing them.

The move has nevertheless been hailed in some quarters as a sign that EU diplomatic pressure, including travel bans and withdrawal of ambassadors, has been successful. Sannikov, the London daily adds, has nevertheless “warned Europe against making concessions to the regime until all political prisoners [which number in the hundreds] are released.”

More EU member state ambassadors are said to be leaving the Belarusian capital in a gesture of solidarity.

The Warsaw daily notes that -

By harassing the ambassadors, Alexander Lukashenko is trying to paralyze the diplomatic services of countries all too generous in issuing visas to his compatriots.

Meanwhile Rzeczpospolita insists that though "Mr Lukashenko has singled out Poland as “Number 1 enemy" and "tough diplomatic retorsion is a must", a moderate approach is nonetheless advised –

We don't know whether in a year or half Mr Lukashenko will again ask the EU for funds and assistance. If this happens, we must not renounce the demand for political prisoners to be freed, but let's not exaggerate by asking for full democratisation.

Slovenian veto strangely coincides with a recent major contract awarded to the Slovenian company Riko Group for the development of a luxury hotel in Minsk and energy facilities in Belarus.

Both contracts are worth some 150 million euros. On the Belarusian side, they have been signed by oligarch Yuri Chizh, considered President Alexander Lukashenko's "unofficial banker". He has long been expected to be put on the EU's black list of persona non grata, but each time the proposal was vetoed by one of the member states. Gazeta Wyborcza writes that -

Now Slovenia is prepared to ruin the EU's policy towards the Lukashenko regime for 150 million euros. The Minsk regime has to be delighted. And political prisoners have to understand that for the crisis-stricken Europe, business is more important than values and human rights.

However, this election will mark the beginning of a new phase of Vladimir Putin’s power. After a number of years of uncertainty as to whether the "moderniser" Dmitri Medvedev or the imperial Putin would emerge as the main architect of Russia’s future, it is now clear that the current Prime Minister and former president will almost certainly become president again next March – a development that will of course have consequences for the EU.

In founding Saint Petersburg, further west than the Moscow of the tsars, Peter the Great wanted to anchor Russia to Europe. Three centuries later, the Saint Petersburger Putin appears to be orchestrating a shift in the opposite direction.

For many people, the project for a Eurasian Union that he presented on 4 October sounds like a desire to recreate a kind of USSR, 20 years after its collapse – an event that Putin has described as “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe” of the 20th century. In practice, it will extend the customs union between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan to other former Soviet republics like Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and perhaps even to Ukraine if Kiev chooses to turn to Moscow instead of the EU.

However, this Eurasian Union goes beyond simple nostalgia. It highlights Putin’s desire to establish Russia as a continental power, halfway between a Europe that he no longer considers to be a partner on a level with Asia, which can provide him with markets for gas and oil and a base from which to deploy an alternative global diplomacy. For the Kremlin, China, Iran, India and Afghanistan offer more interesting opportunities than the crisis stricken states of the EU, which have long been divided on the issue of the attitude they should have towards Russia.

At the same time, Russia has not completely abandoned its western flank. It is increasingly present in Ukraine – a country that Europe is failing to anchor to its sphere of influence. It also keeps Belarus under an economic supervision that facilitates the survival of Alexander Lukashenko’s dictatorial regime – a defeat for European values. Finally, it is also preparing to deploy ballistic missiles in Kaliningrad, the Russian exclave between Poland and Lithuania. So although it may be turning towards Asia, Russia will continue to be a problem for Europe.

But there is no reason why this has to be the case. European states cannot eternally treat Russia as a neighbour that is not to be trusted. Vladimir Putin, who appears to know what he wants, will certainly in power for a long time to come, and the advantage of the duration of his reign is that it should give the European Union time to work out what it wants in its turn. Europe should define a firm and open policy towards Moscow. If it does not, it will be marginalised yet again.

The ongoing trial of former Ukraine PM Yulia Tymoshenko charges of abuse of power nevertheless continues to cloud the horizon. According to Gazeta Wyborcza President Viktor Yanukovych has “promised a conciliatory solution” on what observers believe is a personal vendetta against his long time rival. Meanwhile, Belarus refused to attend, after the summit issued a declaration condemning human rights violations in the country. In a surprise development, Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, unveiled an offer $9 billion [€6.73bn] in development aid to Alexander Lukashenko’s authoritarian regime if it frees political prisoners and holds democratic elections.

For Svenska Dagbladet, the summit failed to urge these Eastern Europe states towards reform in exchange for the prospect of EU membership. The Swedish daily argues that the union should “directly target” the citizens of such states with cheaper and less complicated visas, as well as support for civil society. “This is what could contribute to creating pressure for change from below."

For another Polish paper, Rzeczpospolita, the summit was of “little significance for Europe”. Most European countries “such as Belarus, Azerbaijan or Moldova are as distant from the Old Continent – mentally rather than geographically – as Bangladesh or Guyana”, it laments.

Until now, points out El País, in its approach to countries like Egypt and Tunisia "the EU strategy has been based on the principle of ‘security in exchange for millions of euros.’” The parameters that have now been announced -- free elections, freedom of speech in the press, an independent judiciary, the fight against corruption, and democratic control of security and armed forces -- will enable Europe to measure the level of democracy in these countries. The Madrid daily notes that the plan unveiled by the European diplomacy chief also includes measures for the control of migration flows. However, it points out that "Ashton has denied that the plan offers money to prevent immigration."