The affair, which has already been reported by EUobserver, concerns the British firm G4S-UK, which, contrary to expectations, won a 10 million euro contract with the European External action Service to protect EU staff and premises in Libya. Rue89 remarks that the deal raised eyebrows because, unlike its competitors in the call for tenders, the Hungarian firm Argus and the British Canadian Garda World, G4S-UK “had no track record of protecting European delegations”.

The French news website argues that the affair highlights a problem of conflict of interest in the EEAS, which is managed by Britain’s Catherine Ashton –

Some [...] suspect Great Britain of misusing its influence in the EEAS to favour the main private military companies in the UK.

Having said that, France’s European partners should not “conclude that François Hollande’s foreign policy will be tainted by anti-European sentiment. This would be a mistake”, argues Le Monde, which nonetheless draws attention to what it describes as “an unavoidable political reality” –

… the French do not trust Europe. But more often than not, their Eurosceptic mood and occasional support for a policy of national withdrawal is fueled by a conviction that European integration will pave the way for all of the ills of economic liberalism. Of course, Europe is a market: this is one of its strengths, the secret of its appeal, and the driving force behind its competitiveness. But it should also be a political and civilisational project. M. Fabius is not the worst choice of politician to speak on behalf of such a Europe”.

In any case, remarks Libération, which points out that Fabius and Cazeneuve are “not the only Eurosceptics in the French cabinet” –  

François Hollande has appointed them to posts where, they will have little real influence on European affairs – ‘a field reserved’ for head of state, which will be effectively managed by the Elysée.

“After the vote, the country is in the red”, worries I Kathimerini. The daily further notes that even if support is growing for Greece to abandon the single currency, “Merkel and Hollande want Greece to remain in the eurozone.”

“International alarmists' forecasts have come true” laments To Ethnos headlining with “Elections in a minefield”. "The country has reached an impasse. The parties now need to present clear solutions to the country’s problems,” among which are recession at 6.2% in the first quarter and unemployment at 21%.

For To Vima, the new elections will be –

a referendum with Antonis [Samaras, the leader of New Democracy, right-wing] against Alexis [Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, the Coalition of the radical Left], the right against the Coalition of the radical Left, the pro-Europeans against the rest.

However, Ta Nea hopes that this political crisis –

will be a chance to revive and restructure Greece’s social democracy. The two traditional parties [New Democracy and the socialists of Pasok] should draw some lessons from their failure.

The unknowns concern the willingness of the new president to cut spending ... and also François Hollande's ability to change his position on Eurobonds and alter the role of the ECB.

However, Anne-Marie Le Gloannec, says "some compromises seem possible: the treaty [the fiscal pact] will not be renegotiated but rather, they will agree a pact on structural growth, both for Europe and for France, which François Hollande has already broadly sketched."

The two leaders will "become closer", adds La Croix, saying -

Principles first: in a united Europe, nothing is possible if France and Germany disagree. Pragmatism, too... The political crisis in Greece means that we cannot afford to get lost in quarrels over principle. A little realism is required about the inner workings of each country.

From the German perspective, Süddeutschte Zeitung asks  -

Is this the end of the Franco-German partnership? Not at all! Hollande will be moderate, Merkel will move. ... François Hollande does not have the vision of Napoleon or Mitterrand.

In another comment piece, the daily adds that François Hollande is -

a new chance for Merkel. [They] will be remembered as the people who ensured the survival of the euro or who masterminded its demise. They are forced to succeed from their first meeting. This pressure should give hope to all of Europe.

For the Frankfurt daily –

The theme of debt reduction, which already figured large in the CDU’s failed campaign in Schleswig-Holstein state elections, will only attract votes if it is presented in a credible manner. The Environment Minister, who banged on about savings and cost-cutting while advocating extremely costly adjustments in energy policy, is the embodiment of an inconsistent approach to this theme. Furthermore, it was contradictory to insist on “Greek conditions” and to simultaneously announce that Germany has never been better off. Finally, the CDU assumption that voters are virulently opposed to debt appears to assume that the French and the Greeks inhabit a completely different planet.

On this point, in France Le Monde argues that the result of the German vote “is bad news for the German Chancellor and good news for François Hollande, who will meet Angela Merkel on 15 May in Berlin, immediately after his official inauguration”.

In recent weeks, Mr Hollande has become the leading European exponent of a growth strategy to overcome the euro crisis, while Mrs Merkel has continued to advocate budgetary rigour as the only possible foundation for “sustained growth”. The success of Mr Hollande has prompted high expectations in EU states struggling to cope with the debt crisis, and the ideas he has proposed have also attracted support in the ranks of the SPD on the other side of the Rhine. Mrs Merkel is aware of this, and the blow of Sunday’s election will be a further encouragement for her to be more flexible on the issue of a growth pact.

The main reason for this vote, European Voice says, is the announcement on May 9, of the departure of the president of the EFSA, Diana Bánáti, who stepped down to-

rejoin the board of the International Life Sciences Institute Europe (ILSI), a research and advocacy group. MEPs had asked the European Court of Auditors to investigate alleged conflicts of interest at EFSA, including Bánáti's links to the food industry.

Parliament's decision was welcomed by Monica Macovei (European People’s Party), a Parliamentary rapporteur for financial practice in 2010, who is often praised for her role in the fight against corruption. "Transparency and proper management of conflicts of interest have become vital for governance and for citizens. They must become an important criterion in budgetary expenditure procedure for all EU institutions,” she told the Bucharest-based daily România liberă.

European Voice adds, "The three agencies have until September to provide fuller explanations of their spending in 2010, with the Parliament voting later in the autumn on whether to approve or reject their accounts.”

A former top comedian famous for his political rants and the writer of a popular blog, Grillo, 64, founded his party in 2009, on the wave of a series of performance-meetings, in which he railed against several political and financial scandals and the vices of the "caste", as the Italian ruling class are nicknamed.

Like all protest movements, Grillo’s brings a positive 'winds of change' message," notes l’Espresso,

but he also voices the demagogue spirit of those who dream of toppling Mario Monti, his government, its taxes and its austerity without growth.

Corriere della Sera also echoes this sentiment:

Certainly, Grillo is a performer whose torrential tirades appeal to both Poujadist sentiments and anti-political ones... But his programme is full of suggestions: from waste management to the refusal of easy growth based on real estate, through to transparency in administration and Internet usage in line with the levels of western countries.

Simple and without any experience of speech making, the Protestant pastor’s daughter, who was born in East Germany, succeeded in establishing a rapport with the entire nation, and especially with West Germans whom she judged to be “spoiled, as well as a little cowardly, and lazy”. As for the West Germans themselves, they were soon to be “merkelised” – caught up in cult that worshiped her supposed weaknesses of sobriety and a lack of glamour. And it was the euro crisis that marked the high point of this transformation. As Ulrich points out-

In 2005, Merkel felt she had to give Germans a boost. Today she has to convince her voters to help others, to keep a clear head, and most importantly, to continue their wise and zealous consumption. Her policy has been completely reversed. The question is: has she completed her mission in Germany? Has she migrated to Europe? [...] Were it not for German normality, and the fact that it is protected by an ultra-normal chancellor, Europe would have been plunged into chaos ages ago.

Far from imagining an imminent end to the Chancellor’s career, Ulrich concludes-

It may be that the German Merkel is now in decline, while the European Merkel is still at the height of her powers. Perhaps we no longer need her here, but rather in Europe. [...] She is only 57 years old, and is thus a woman politician with a future. However, where exactly that future lies remains to be seen.

Le Figaro lists the facts that will inevitably lead to a show of force between Angela Merkel and the French President-elect:

Berlin is clearly irritated by the Hollande team's repeated calls to renegotiate the fiscal pact in order to add a section on growth. Seeking to reassure the chancellor's entourage on this point, advisors to the socialist candidate hinted that these were just 'campaign promises'.

The chancellor knows that François Hollande's situation does not allow for much room for manoeuvre and that he will "seek to impose himself at all cost in order to score points," Le Figaro writes –  

Yet she should not yield on the obligation to sign the treaty as is, even if it is resubmitted later. It would thus be up to the French president-elect to take the first step and to sign the pact as it is. A move that would be counter to the campaign waged against austerity in Europe.

Nonetheless, notes Le Figaro, the two leaders have some points in common. "The only good surprise, when the chancellor greets the French president-elect in Berlin, could be that of a meeting" between two leaders who have demonstrably "normal and humble personalities".

Far from being anecdotal, this personal link is the foundation of trust which allows Paris and Berlin to overcome their differences. This could lead to a consensus that would draw Europe along in the wake of the Franco-German team. If Hollande and Merkel get off on the right foot, everything is possible.

In Berlin, the Tageszeitung has strong doubts that François Hollande will get very far with his plans to favour growth. Certainly, the paper notes, several Brussels heavyweights eyeing José Manuel Barroso's post as EU Commission chair, such as Martin Schulz, president of the Euro Parliament and Viviane Reding, the vice-chair of the Commission, were quick to agree with Hollande by pleading for a growth pact. However,

...in the end, this is a classic Brussels compromise. A hand is extended to the new arrivals to better draw them in. For Brussels, a totally watered-down growth pact is very attractive because it would leave Chancellor Angela Merkel's budget pact unchanged. It would probably not even frighten the markets. That way everyone is satisfied: Merkel and Hollande, the citizens and the markets. MEP Elmar Brok (CDU) sums up the views of many European political leaders, saying, 'by June at the latest, Hollande should be back in line'.

Germany's leadership is thus not about to dim and, reinforced by the support of the markets, the free-market rhetoric from Brussels and Berlin resists change, TAZ says. Add to that the Greek crisis and

...the June EU summit could once again become a Greek summit, uniting Merkel and Hollande. As to what will become of the socialist's platform, heaven only knows.

The replacement of the Ungureanu government by the Ponta government  “and the handover of power during the electoral cycle is an unprecedented development in Romanian politics”, remarks Adevărul. Four months after the first anti-austerity demonstrations, Ponta’s programme will include measures that have “a populist potential”, explains the daily. These include civil service pay rises and pension increases. However the new prime minister’s mission will remain –

… the same as the brief for the Ungureanu government: management of day-to-day problems, the organisation of elections, and, of course, boosting the electoral appeal of the parties that put him in power.

Nicolas Sarkozy is the 11th European leader to fall since the banking crisis broke, and this result is more than just a shot across the bows for the former Sarkozy loyalists in Ms Merkel or David Cameron. France's new direction is a mortal blow to the austerity compact which has been Europe's anchor response to the crisis.

"Frau Merkel, I have arrived", leads Frankfurt daily, Frankfurter Rundschau. Following his speech, the president-elect announced that his first foreign visit would be to the German Chancellor, who is expected to accommodate this new partner despite their ideological differences:

Merkel would not be Merkel if she were not capable of quickly changing course. She has no ideological problems with the Social Democrats [with whom she governed from 2005 to 2009], even if they do call themselves socialists. Hollande will not proclaim a revolution. He must learn to adapt, as Merkel did during the Greek crisis.

"Hollande wins, the challenge for Europe begins", leads Milan daily, Corriere della Sera which calls the new French president “an ordinary leader for extraordinary times".

The message from this month of May in France, in these times of crisis, of the decline of the citizen and a rise in mistrust of politics, is full of hope. For France and for the Europe that is looking to France. [... It] is also a defensive choice, to resist a Europe of sacrifices without fairness, and rigour without growth. [...] France under Hollande no longer dreams of socialism in one country, but a little more of social democracy in Europe.

For El Mundo, "Hollande's victory opens up uncertainty in Europe". The conservative daily is worried about the shape of the "new era" opening up "for France and for the rest of the continent."

Never has a presidential election in France had such repercussions across Europe. [...] The socialist candidate’s victory breaks the hegemony of the centre-right of the last decade and kindles doubts over the cohabitation with Chancellor Angela Merkel, with whom [outgoing president Nicolas] Sarkozy pushed for fiscal union and the austerity policies [...].

"A fresh start for Europe," writes De  Morgen. The paper, however, believes "the socialist Hollande (is) on a collision course with Germany over the austerity question." In an editorial the paper adds:

The question of whether Hollande can pull off this turnabout in Europe [towards growth measures], remains wide open. We are already looking forward to his first trip to Berlin, where he is to conclude a historic compromise with an unbending Merkel. These discussions will take place in a heated climate, following the parliamentary elections that fractured the political landscape in Greece yesterday.... Europe has got a little redder since yesterday. [...] At the same time, though, the storm clouds over the continent have darkened.

In Stockholm, Dagens Nyheter notes that, while the new president has chosen a more tolerant and open path on immigration and minorities than that of Nicolas Sarkozy, “ he does raise troubling questions on economic policy:

If Hollande does break the fiscal pact, it will cause serious problems. Europe needs growth, but without an effective brake on big budget deficits among the member states the euro will struggle to survive. This would undermine the monetary union and (the member states’) ability to make joint decisions. It seems unlikely therefore that Hollande is serious about renegotiating the pact. More likely is that he will be content to add an innocuous passage on the importance of growth.

Writing in the Prague daily Hospodářské noviny, editorialist Martin Ehl believes that "another Europe" has emerged from this "weekend election." The presidential elections in France and the legislative elections in Greece reveal that the Old Continent is facing "a new French revolution". This shakes up the consensus on European integration, which is going through its deepest crisis since the 1950s:

Europeans expect more from their leaders than (blunt) cuts with the knife. [...] Following the fiscal pact, Europe will need to think innovatively on the economic front.

Die Welt, a daily close to Angela Merkel, looked at the outcome in terms of the effect on the ruling coalition in Berlin, noting that the idea of an alliance between the SPD and Greens, such as occurred under the Social Democratic Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, is becoming increasingly unlikely, because "many people are hoping for a grand coalition between the SPD-CDU".

Paraphrasing the words of John F. Kennedy, the signatories call –

on the European Commission and national governments, together with the European Parliament and national parliaments, to create a Europe "of actively employed citizens", and to create the financial and legal conditions for the establishment of a "Year of European voluntary service for everyone", as a counter-model to the “top-down” approach currently prevailing in Europe – a Europe of elites and technocrats. The goal is to democratise national democracies and to rebuild Europe behind the rallying cry: "Ask not ask what Europe can do for you, but what you can do for Europe – Make Europe!"

Wishing for "ordinary European citizens to come together to be their own bosses”, the authors of the document describe it as “an organic, naturally-occurring act” through which Europe will develop a new constitution “from the bottom up”.

"Romanians have gained confidence in themselves, because the fall actually began in January," when Romanian "indignados"  began to protest against austerity measures, notes the Bucharest-based news website.

Neither the president nor the former ruling coalition have understood that Romanians were not simply looking for a change of people [a reshuffle took place on February 6]. But instead, a change of direction for Romania, and its economic policies". [...] The status quo in which those people who have power can do anything without accountability, has increased.

Vox Publica warns that ahead of the parliamentary elections due in November, "all mistakes can rebound against Ponta." For the new head of the government, the main risk is the creation of a "shorter term government: in which capable people will not want to take control with such a short mandate, and those of the socialist old guard will want to finally quench their thirst for power."

In addition to the possible loss of traditional stalwarts France and Netherlands (the Dutch government resigned following a row over austerity), Merkel’s fiscal discipline creed came under fire yesterday as ECB chairman Mario Draghi declared that fiscal consolidation cannot be achieved through cuts and taxes alone, and requires “structural measures to favour economic growth”.

Resuming this position with “More courage for growth” as headline, the Turin daily notes that -

While waiting for the French election verdict Merkel paid heed to Draghi, finally coming to a formal acknowledgment that 'we need growth, to be sustained through structural reforms.'

The rise of the far right shows that many countries are still unable to offer an appropriate response to simplistic solutions proposed by populists. Voters continue to be unaffected by the language of the EU and national governments, but they are more than willing to accept the populists’ facile slogans.

On a more pragmatic level, this trend is bad news for Angela Merkel, as Süddeutsche Zeitung points out –

The fall of the Rutte administration in the Netherlands is a bitter blow for the German government, which has lost a major ally in the drive for more austerity. And Angela Merkel could soon lose her most powerful supporter. The French President has lost the first round of voting in the presidential election to challenger François Hollande [...]. Many Spaniards are crossing their fingers in the hope for a socialist win in France. [...] And a similar sentiment prevails in Italy. With this in mind, the amount of time attributed to the two countries to reduce their spending will not change much.

"I cannot accept that the elderly must pay for Brussels' absurd demands," Wilders explained. He was referring to figures from the Central Planning Office according to which the 14.2 million euros in budget cuts would result in a 3% loss in purchasing power for the elderly, would slow growth and raise unemployment. The cuts concern health-related services, pensions, civil service salaries, VAT, aid to developing countries and tax cuts for home-owners paying off a housing loan.

After seven weeks of negotiations, "the Wilders bomb ticking beneath the Rutte government has plunged the country into a period of uncertainty," says De Volkskrant. Without the support of the PVV, the coalition of Christian Democrats and Liberals is no longer in the parliamentary majority. PM Mare Rutte, is expected to ask Queen Beatrix to dissolve the lower house so that early elections can be called.

"The PVV's new line of defence  – 'We do not want budget cuts imposed by Brussels' – is cheeky" writes Dutch daily Trouw, which notes that in 2010, Wilders signed a government agreement that placed a 2.8% ceiling on the budget deficit. The paper is satisfied that the PVV has been "exposed" but does not gloat. "If the crisis were not so serious, the Netherlands would give a sigh of relief," the paper says.

In the letter Claude Gueant and Hans-Peter Friedrich suggest that suspension of the Schengen treaty is justified where security is insufficient at some of the EU external borders, and to address internal security matters and safeguard national sovereignty, the Munich daily writes.

The Süddeutsche Zeitung adds that the resumption of border monitoring would aim to combat economic migration, and suggests this could foster anti-European political sentiment –

What is the value of it, open borders without restrictions? [...] What is the point of freedom of movement if European governments are able to limit it? If member states withdraw into their national territory when there are problems, they are demonstrating that they believe their small nation state is far better than Europe. In this case we should not be surprised if nationalist parties, populist and the extreme right are on the rise throughout Europe. The temporary closure of internal borders is a continuous advertisement for the enemies of Europe.

For years, Athens posted budget deficits below their real level due to falsified statistics. European Commissioner for Taxation and Customs Union, Algirdas Šemeta, suggests revising national statistics to make them more credible. He also suggests that national statistics agencies should be independent and that their heads should be appointed on criteria other than political. According to the paper -

They will have to decide independently as concerns the development, the production and the dissemination of the statistics as well as the management of the work of the statistics agencies.

Each member state will have to adopt, "at the highest political level," a European Statistics Code of Practices, Adevărul explains. This document will be countersigned by the Commission and Eurostat will be responsible for making sure the commitments are respected. The demand for reliable, credible, evidence-based data is growing, in particular because of the need to coordinate economic policies in the EU.

This is the latest in a series of events in an "annus horribilis" for the royalty. It comes in addition to the suspicion of corruption weighing on the king's son-in-law, Iñaki Urdangarin, and to a recent shooting accident in which his 13-year old grandson shot himself in the foot. In Spain, children under 14 are not allowed access to firearms. Despite the government's silence, veiled criticism is rising in political circles and in the media. The paper also notes that -

... the impropriety of this royal trip was so clear, at a time when the country is undergoing very serious difficulties, that even those with staunch royalist convictions cannot hide their disarray.

El Periódico recalls the influential role played by Juan Carlos during the period of transition from the Franco era to democracy. But, the paper adds, if "the monarchy provided institutional stability for over three decades, [...] this affection and respect has weakened in recent years". El Periódico raises the issue of Juan Carlos' succession. The king is 74 and came to the throne at the age of 37 while Prince Felipe is already aged 44 -

It is objectively the worst time for Spain to get mired in a controversy that would call into question the monarchy [...] But the monarchy must renew itself.

Yes, because the new European Fiscal Compact is fundamental if Germany and other northern European countries are willing to strengthen protection and rescue mechanisms for the eurozone. And no, because the treaty establishes rules that are almost impossible to fulfill on a regular basis, even by the states now imposing them.

The Expresso editorial adds that –

... this will at best serve to ensure the commitment and solidarity of the strongest countries to the countries rescued or at risk. (...) And will show that the eurozone can move on without leaving countries behind. And to enforce budgetary discipline on countries that have almost always ignored it.

In an opinion article published in the same weekly, sociologist Pedro Adão e Silva warns that the consequences of this treaty are evident –

If the Treaty is to be taken seriously, the least developed member states will be deprived of the economic policy mechanisms that make recovery possible, while continuing to lack the desirable financial instruments, characteristic of the federal system. In the end, we alienate sovereignty, without any compensation.

Since the elections of May 2010, in which the VV obtained over 10% of the vote, Bárta's party has become a “symbol of decline” in Czech politics, notes the Prague economic daily. However, “Vít Bárta and his political group are not the root of evil in Czech politics, just a product of the system that was shaken this Friday, but whose base remains solid”. The VV party is “one of the most bizarre examples of the local political scene” and “their tragicomic and sometimes very dangerous methods excel in their amateurish directness”.

Hospodářské Noviny argues that that corruption practised by other Czech politicians is much more sophisticated and inventive, and therefore less liable to prosecution. “If they went in front of a court, the whole political system would collapse”, it notes, nevertheless adding that the Bárta trial is a big step for the country’s young democracy.